When we think about the forces that inspired the creation of our collective, we immediately think of our comrades in Parti Communiste Maoïste. The PCM shows us that even in the centers of imperialism, it is right to rebel. Because of our tremendous respect and international solidarity with the PCM, it was with great sadness that we learned of the death of Comrade Pierre. At the age of 81, this comrade never ceased to serve as a shining example of what it means to be a communist. Comrade Pierre took up the mantle of Maoism at the precise moment when the left in imperialist states was defecting in droves to post-modernism, he never apologized for his support of revolution and taught new generations of revolutionaries what it means to serve the people.
Much has been said about the life of Comrade Pierre by our comrades across the world and within the US, to this symphony of honor and respect our collective can only add very little. None of us knew or had met Comrade Pierre, but his example still reached us though a great distance stood between our two organizations. To us, Comrade Pierre is immortal and lives on in the actions of his comrades in France and across the world. With each advance we take, in Fance, the US, India, or Turkey, the memory of Comrade Pierre and all our martyrs marches with us.
To the Parti Communiste Maoïste, we offer your party, its mass organizations, and supporters our condolences on a loss that has affected you all so profoundly. The outcry of working people at the death of Comrade Pierre from one continent to another is a tribute to the work not only of that comrade, but of your entire party. The Tampa Maoist Collective sends you all red internationalist solidarity as you carry on the outstanding legacy of your comrade and friend Pierre.
Long live the revolutionary memory of Comrade Pierre!
The fascist’s cowardly terrorist attack in Charlottesville has not and will not go unanswered. Our antifascist martyr – Heather Heyer – is immortal! She lives on in the battle against fascism, a battle we will wage to its end. This city will be made a tomb for fascism.
As soon as the news of the attack reached us from one of our comrades on the ground in Cville, the people hit the streets. Overnight anti fascist messages rose all over the city. One such antifa target was the infamous confederate monument that holds the worlds largest confederate flag as it flies over our highways. Revolutionaries defaced the monument with hammers & sickles, antifascist slogans, and red paint. Other neighborhoods were marked as antifa territory, warning fascists to get the fuck out of our city.
The next day – TMC, the mass organization Suncoast Antifa, and other revolutionaries in our united front made rapid plans to take over the streets. A liberal vigil event had been planned downtown, lacking any focus on our martyr or the political content of her death. Breaking up into cells, we assumed leadership of the event, gave speeches, and shut the streets down as we led hundreds of people on a march across the city to another confederate monument located at the old courthouse. At different points we halted the march to shut down roads and block the pigs from controlling our route. Fascists, including members of American Vanguard (the group responsible for the terror attack in Cville), attempted to follow our march and film some of our comrades. If not for the presence of pigs, this group of cowards would have been ripped apart by the people. Even with their protection present and surrounding our forces on all sides, comrades managed to beat several of the fascist’s phones out of their hands and break them to stop their filming. Chants of “Cops and Klan go hand in hand,” and “1-2-3-4 this is fucking class war, 5-6-7-8 organize and smash the state” filled downtown Tampa. A candle holding event had been turned into an antifascist march.
At various points the bloc outmaneuvered the pigs, forming into wedges to break attempted encirclement, and laying themselves in front of pig cars to stop them from entering our route. Street occupations where the bloc stopped to hold key roads occurred throughout the march, allowing everyone involved to keep pace with the march as water was passed out, and speeches were given on the occupied intersections. As the bloc came within sight of the confederate monument, we ran ahead of the pigs to occupy the territory and cover the monument in our flags and posters. At the occupation the people voiced their outrage at fascist terror and white supremacy. Backwards ideas were struggled against, those carrying american flags and decrying our cries of “fuck the police” were greeted with the anger of our nonwhite comrades as they explained the need for revolution. Speakers explained to the crowd that this is only the beginning, our struggle against fascism will continue to grow so long as the people support us. We consider this action a small victory and an important step forward.
With our victory, fascist trolls have taken notice of our actions and have launched a pathetic intimidation campaign against us. A swastika has been drawn outside the house of one of our supporters, other supporters have received phone calls describing acts of fascist violence – including glorifying the death of Heather Heyer. Pigs and private security have stationed 24/7 guards on the monument, trying to stop any further action by us. Liberals have also raised 140k for the statue to be respectably and peacefully removed to private property. The neighboring city of St. Pete has preemptively removed its own confederate monument, attempting to avoid a similar incident in its streets. These actions will not be enough to stop the people of Tampa. The struggle will carry on and intensify, fascists and anti-fascists are mutually exclusive opposites and cannot coexist peacefully in this city.
Antifascists in Tampa first announced themselves during pride month, leading an insurgent anti-capitalist bloc through the pride march to the cheers of working class queers in the crowd. Since then we have grown quickly in strength and unity, taking various smaller actions. Before the arrival of TMC and Suncoast Antifa, such actions were completely unthinkable in this area. We are progressing, but much work remains to be done. Our collective is working diligently towards concentric construction – building the basic forms of the party, army, and united front in our work. We have created rules of fitness, diet, and weapons training for all members of our collective. We will become a combat organization of the working class, we firmly reject the revisionist model of “book club communism.” We reject the revisionist denial of the necessity of anti-fascist work. We reject the revisionist model of an “activist” organization. Maoist organizations are partisan war machines created for the destruction of the state and creation of red power. We uphold that the mass line can be applied in anti-fascist work, and we are proving this in practice. Fake communists refuse antifa work, they rub their noses at the people’s struggles and speak of the “mass line” and the “workers” (what they really mean is an idealized version of the old white working class). They see “ultra-leftism” in every militant action. These people are nothing but academics with an activist hobby, they are not communists.
The fascists exposed themselves at Charlottsville, they can no longer hide in the shadows or play innocent as the ‘alt-right.’ We are now in a post Charlottsville period, and it demands of us all uncompromising struggle against fascism. We believe our rapid response to Cville is an appropriate model to build off for the future, and through its summation we are better prepared for street demonstrations and other clandestine work. Maoism in the US must define itself now, at this historical period, birthed in the struggle against fascism. This is a struggle in our streets, in our workplaces, in our neighborhoods. We understand that to combat fascism in all its forms we must establish Serve the People Programs, anti-gentrification programs, and armed functional paritsan units distinct from our collectives. We are the initiators, and these are the first steps.
We extend our revolutionary greetings to all anti-fascist fighters across the world fighting against a renewed global fascist offensive, especially those in India, Turkey, the Philippines, and Kurdistan. We salute our comrades within the United States: Red Guards Austin, Red Guards Los Angeles, Kansas City Revolutionary Collective, Revolutionary Association of Houston, Three River Reds, and Queen City Maoist Collective. Our solidarity is powerful. The people in the occupied US have risen up in outrage against fascism, it is our duty to fight and win with them. We urge all Maoists to become active anti-fascists and build Maoist guided antifa mass organizations – this is an absolute necessity at this stage of struggle. We will turn the entire south into an anti-fascist zone -seize the times!
These are the observations made by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) while giving a call to celebrate the four great events in the history to achieve socialism in the world, including the fiftieth anniversary of Naxalbari.
It’s obvious that the Maoists – definitively in the CPI (Maoist) – are the real inheritors of the Naxalbari Movement in India, alongside certain revolutionary groups and individuals all over the country. Unless a Bolshevik party is built with Bolshevik spirit to achieve the Indian revolution uniting all such revolutionary forces, New Democratic Revolution in India, a precursor to socialism cannot be achieved.
Naxalbari stands as a dividing line in all aspects of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial Indian polity, society, and culture between the exploiting and the exploited classes, the rulers and the ruled, the comprador bourgeoisie and the broad masses of peasantry and working classes, the parliamentary politics and the alternative revolutionary people’s path. In one word, the class struggle under the leadership of the working class as vanguard to seize state power for the people, and the productive forces to change the relations of production.
The Naxalbari movement for the first time defined the character of the Indian state as a semi-feudal and semi- colonial, comprador bourgeois dictatorship. It had taken Maoism, Marxism-Leninism of this epoch as its world outlook. It had rejected parliamentary politics. It had chosen the path of New Democratic Revolution and waged a protracted war against the state, with armed struggle as the main form of struggle. Its economic programme of land struggle was started in Naxalbari on 23rd May 1967 with the Santals of Naxalbari and Kheribari villages occupying land and declaring their right over the land till 25th May and laying down their lives to protect it against state armed forces intervention.
Its military programme is guerrilla war till it has liberated villages and ultimately entered face to face war in capturing the Centre. Today it has reached its mobile warfare stage in Dandakaranya, Bastar in Chhattisgarh and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra put together.
Its political programme is ‘all power to the people’ like that of Soviets in Soviet Russia, and Communes in People’s Republic of China. This political programme was in effect in its embryonic form in Naxalbari, Srikakulam, Wynad and other Adivasi peasant struggles, for that matter even during Telangana Peasant Armed struggle (1946-51).
The programme has taken a firm, vivid and crystal clear form in adopting the resolution to form the Grama Rajya Committees in the 1995 Special Plenum of CPI (ML) Peoples War. Though it was crushed in hundreds of villages in North Telangana during 1995-2003, with encounter killings and such other extra constitutional forms in bloodshed to implement imperialist globalisation policies, it could sustain itself in Dandakaranya and for the last twelve years it has risen to the stage of Janatana Sarkar, where a self-reliant, self-sufficient, united front rule under the landless, the small peasantry, the middle peasantry and the rich peasantry exists. Adivasi, Dalit and oppressed classes are ruling themselves under the leadership of the Party, with the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army protecting the alternative people’s power. And that is why we see today the war on the people particularly in Eastern and Central India, in the Adivasi areas of Jangalmahal in Bengal, Saranda in Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, Andhra-Orissa Border and the Western Ghats.
The Naxalbari spirit of broad revolt was in fact continued by the CPI (ML) of Andhra Pradesh taking the experience of Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle in implementing the mass line and forming mass organisations, particularly after the set back of the Srikakulam movement. After the set back and the martyrdom of Charu Mazumdar in 1972, a Self Critical Report was written and efforts were made to form a Central Organizing Committee which finally resulted during the Emergency to lay down the ‘Road to Revolution’ in the meeting of the Telangana Regional Committee in 1976. Because of the inheritance of Telangana Armed Struggle Virasam – Revolutionary Writers’ Association was formed in 1970, Jana Natya Mandali a great upsurge in the people’s cultural movement has come in 1972, Pilupu – a magazine for the oppressed masses was started in 1973 and by 1974 Radical Students Union – RSU- was also formed.
During the Emergency the radical students had to go underground and conducted studies on the land relations in the villages which can be compared to Hunan Studies under the leadership of Mao Tse Tung, resulting in the great mass upsurge for occupation of land by the landless and poor agricultural laborers particularly Dalits and oppressed classes. The Second conference of RSU in Warangal had given a call to students and youth to ‘go to villages’ to propagate the politics of New Democratic Revolution and to help landless people occupy land and wage struggle to protect it.
A meeting organised in Jagityal, which was later known as ‘Jagityal Jaitra Yatra’ in September 1978 occupied land in 150 villages and declared the right of the people over it. From then onwards a history of class struggle with the mass line continued. The CPI (ML) People’s War was formed in 1980 and with Dandakaranya Perspective had sent squads into Sironcha of Maharashtra and Bastar of Madhya Pradesh.
Dandakaranya Perspective envisaged that unlike a liberated base area in Yenan of China, the Indian Revolution may need more base areas to usher in New Democratic Revolution, since it also will be a path- breaking revolution to achieve socialism in the world.
In 1999 CPI (ML) Party unity which was active in Bengal, Bihar, Delhi and Punjab merged with Peoples War taking the name of CPI (ML) Peoples War.
On 21st September 2004 CPI (ML) Peoples War and Maoist Communist Centre with a long history of class struggle in Bihar and Bengal under the leadership of Dakshinadesh came together and united as CPI (Maoist).
The united congress of CPI (Maoist) took place in 2007 after the first congress of CPI (ML) in 1970. For the last ten years the peoples war in this country in continuing under this leadership of CPI (Maoist). There is again a line of demarcation between the various CPI (Marxist-Leninist) parties participating in parliamentary elections while talking about the armed struggle, and the CPI (Maoist) adhering to boycotting elections and armed struggle as the main form of class struggle.
In spite of ups and downs, advances and setbacks, once mass line was adopted in 1976, there has been a consistent journey. Today we see the movement in more than one state, even according to the Central government in 16 states there is CPI (Maoist) organisation and in many states particularly in DK, AOB, Jharkhand and Bihar, Western Ghats there are armed struggles supported by mass organisations. In DK there is the Bhoomkal Militia that is the People’s Guerrilla Army safeguarding the people’s power.
Though it looked like a struggle for land whether in Naxalbari, Srikakulam or Telangana in the 1970s, it is a genuine anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggle with the slogan of ‘land to the tiller’, aiming at seizure of state power by the people. That is why the comprador rulers at the Centre and states look at it with fear and brand it as the “greatest internal threat” to the system and the state.
The imperialist globalisation policy adopted by the Indian government in 1991 as the new economic policy proved the vision of Naxalbari in characterising the state as a collusion of comprador, feudal and imperialist forces.
Naxalbari path being implemented in Dandakaranya, Bihar and Jharkhand, AOB, Western Ghats and Jangalmahal is adopting an alternative people’s development programme to protect the natural wealth and human labor which are plundered by the multinational companies and the big companies in Eastern and Central India.
Whatever may be the political party in power in parliamentary politics – whether an all India party or a regional party – it is adopting the globalisation policy and hence the patriots, the democrats, environmentalists and all those who genuinely feel to uphold the sovereignty of the people have to stand in solidarity with the struggles of the broad masses of this country, particularly Adivasis, Dalits, peasants, workers, women, muslims, students and unemployed youth in different unorganised sectors under the leadership of CPI (Maoist) and other revolutionary forces for alternative politics – self-reliant and self-sufficient, self rule which will usher in New Democratic Revolution. That is the dream of thousands of martyrs who have laid down their lives in fighting against this exploitative system and the state.
One need not go into the details of the degeneration of the parliamentary politics, particularly in the light of 72 votes to Irom Sharmila in Manipur and the UP elections where the BJP could get absolute majority without giving a single seat to Muslims.
So the only hope left to the democratic forces in this country is New Democratic Revolution, the unfulfilled democratic task given to us 50 years ago by Naxalbari movement.
The Tampa Maoist Collective is sharing this statement on behalf of the International Committee to Support the People’s War in India
For over a year now, Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!) (FRSO) has refused to address allegations of sexual assault and rape cover-up. As former members of the organization, we recognize the need to publicly self-criticize for upholding FRSO’s line on these allegations.
We self-criticize for: upholding an anti-people political line, distorting democratic centralism, and expressing misogyny. At the heart of FRSO’s mishandling of sexual assault allegations lies an anti-people political line, which we upheld. This line views the organization as something which stands over and above the masses, and is not held accountable to them. By equating FRSO with the revolution and party building in the US, we failed to view the people as the makers of history and ignored their concerns. As former members, we viewed Democratic Centralism incorrectly, emphasizing the centralism of the organization itself over democracy and connecting with the masses. This bureaucratic distortion caused us to submit to the decisions of higher bodies regarding the allegations, even when they were clearly incorrect, divorced from the reality of the situation, and misogynist. We viewed the organization as the most important thing, and all other concerns as secondary. Misogyny is a major factor in this position, which specifically ignores the concerns of women and queer people. It is inherently misogynist to not address allegations of sexual assault because they “derail the work of an organization.” So-called revolutionary groups and revolutionaries are not exempt from misogyny. We assumed that because our organization was paying lip service to women’s and queer liberation we could not be misogynist. This is a form of identity politics and liberalism which is absolutely incorrect.
Whenever people or organizations publicly disagree with FRSO’s handling of the allegations, the internal response is almost always to snitchjacket, denouncing them as either cops or wreckers. Additionally, the organization extends its policy of snitchjacketing into its mass organizations. Not only do FRSO cadre participate, they also dominate the discussion with mass activists by insisting that you either side with FRSO or are a cop. This is another expression of anti-people politics which views FRSO as the only thing that matters in the United States. As FRSO cadre organizing in the mass organization Students for a Democratic Society, we applied this reactionary political line. Whenever the accusations were mentioned, we insisted that they were designed to destroy the organization and were part of a plot against the FRSO. Snitchjacketing is unacceptable in any groups which claim to be revolutionary, and as cadre of the Tampa Maoist Collective, we will actively oppose snitchjacketing in all its forms.
We — the former members of FRSO — were not exempt from the organization’s absolutely reactionary, vile behavior. It is therefore our duty to publicly expose and denounce our own involvement in this deplorable trend of opportunism, victim blaming, and misogyny for which we are self-criticizing. By going along with the actions of Freedom Road, we helped to legitimize this policy. Our behavior funneled people into the circles of the organization who otherwise would have avoided it due to the allegations. Internally, we failed to challenge the official line that the allegations were handled correctly and were meant only to destroy the organization. We also failed to investigate the allegations independently of FRSO, and took their word as truth. This caused our membership with FRSO to act as a barrier between ourselves and the masses. Our willingness to accept the words of friends for the sake of peace was an expression of liberalism which actively endangered the well-being of the people. These errors are expressions of our primary one, which was to ignore the concerns of the people and focus only on the organization.
FRSO’s failure to address the allegations is counter-revolutionary. Communist organizations must be actively proletarian feminist, and are obligated to hold themselves accountable to the masses, and take issues of sexual assault as a matter of life-and-death for the organization. The Marxist-Leninist movement has a long history of failure in addressing the struggles of women and queer people. The Maoist movement must rectify these errors in practice, and engage in organizing for the liberation of women and queer people. We the former members of FRSO intend to rectify these errors in practice by upholding proletarian feminism and recognizing that we are ultimately responsible to the people alone. This will be done by using the mass line and proletarian feminism as key links in our organizing. Any and all instances of misogyny, anti-people behavior, or bureaucracy will be ruthlessly criticized and rectified by our collective. We will work to internalize democracy within our organization and put it in service to the people. We will recognize that our organization is not one which has fallen from the heavens, but which is growing out of the people themselves. Any individuals or organizations which fail to uphold the principles of proletarian feminism and the mass line must necessarily be swept away in a tide of revolutionary justice.
On January 25th 2017- We are excited to announce the founding of the Tampa Maoist Collective, a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist cadre organization. As revolutionaries in the United States we recognize that only the science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism can build for the overthrow of capitalism, imperialism, and fascism. The current US left is dominated by revisionism and reformism and has proven incapable of leading any meaningful resistance to capitalism. The archaic dogmas of Marxism-Leninism have outlived their usefulness to the masses and cannot grapple with the pressing political questions concerning class struggle. In practice, Marxism-Leninism has lead to small sects riddled with revisionism, bureaucratism, and social democracy. In the United States, Marxism-Leninism has remained stagnant for decades at best and counterrevolutionary at worst. Marxism-Leninism reached its limit in the 1960’s, creating the basis for a new and higher stage of revolutionary science, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Several of our members have direct experience within the revisionist left, namely the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FightBack!). We have separated entirely from this organization and view them as obstacles to revolution. They actively practice reformism and tailism while masking their politics to the masses. As the communist movement learned during the cultural revolution, the opponents of socialism wave the red flag to oppose the red flag. FRSO(FB) refuses to orient itself towards the masses and has ignored allegations of sexual assault and rape apology. Members of FRSO(FB) have repeatedly snitch-jacketed and harassed anyone who speaks out against their organization. Any organization which cannot handle accusations of sexual assault most certainly cannot build a vanguard party.
The basis for a new communist party in the United States can only come about through the hegemony of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. As such, we will work towards building a new communist party alongside other Maoist collectives throughout the United States. We see this as our ultimate goal, and the ultimate goal of the entire communist movement at this time. As we create the basis for a new communist party, we will simultaneously work to build a people’s army and united front of all those who can be united against capitalism. This will necessarily take a protracted struggle as we gather forces around a revolutionary line. We understand that the mass line is our principle method of organization and the goal of our work is to serve the people. In the spirit of Comrade Mao Zedong, “all our cadre are servants of the people, and whatever we do is to serve the people.”